Two
different American armies marched through France in World War II, united only
in name. One was all-white, the other black troops led by mostly white
officers. An injustice in itself, the practice led to other kinds of injustice
that is the subject of this book.
The Interpreter presents two
cases in which a Frenchman was shot to death by an American soldier. One killer
was African-American, the other white. The black killer was hung for his crime.
The white killer went free.
This was statistically no anomaly. According to Alice Kaplan, 70 American soldiers were convicted of capital crimes in the European Theater of Operations between 1943-46; 55 of them black. “That’s 79 percent in an Army that was only 8.5 percent black,” Kaplan notes.
The
discrepancy also struck one French onlooker, novelist Louis Guilloux:
“The guilty were
always black, so much so that even the stupidest of men would have ended up
asking himself how it was possible that there be so much crime on one side, and
so much virtue on the other.”
Recruited
as an interpreter for the U. S. Army, Guilloux found himself assigned to both
murder cases. In the 1960s, Guilloux drew on his experiences to write a novel, OK, Joe. It retold the cases as stark
examples of American racism and injustice in action.
The
reality was more nuanced, if just as tragic. Kaplan’s account endeavors to fill
out the picture, offering overall a decent example of “just-the-facts” true-crime
journalism. Yet she is compromised by her decision to lean on Guilloux as much
as she does to provide commentary and fill out her sketchy narrative. It is
clear her admiration for Guilloux drove her passion for this book, though not
to its benefit.
James
E. Hendricks was part of the black Army, called “service troops” as their
duties were not those of front-line soldiers but rather combat support. Sometimes,
service troops contributed in a noteworthy way, like the legendary trucking
unit called “The Red Ball Express” which raced needed supplies across Hitler’s
former Reich. Mostly, black-troop work was menial in nature. Hendricks himself was
assigned to a quartermaster battalion in eastern Brittany. His service time
there lasted less than two weeks.
On
the night of August 21, 1944, Hendricks and some comrades were drinking high-proof
calvados when Hendricks abruptly got up and left, saying: “I’m going out to get
some.”
He
soon appeared outside the locked door of a nearby farmhouse. After banging on
the door with his rifle butt, he fired a shot through the door that struck a
farmer in the head, killing him instantly. Hendricks then chased the farmer’s
widow into the house, pushing her on a bed at gunpoint and exposing her genitalia
as well as his own, though the sexual assault didn’t go any farther and
Hendricks left her otherwise unharmed. Hendricks was eventually captured by his
unit, and gave multiple, contradictory stories of what occurred.
Alcohol,
and possibly interest in a woman, was also at the root of the other murder
examined here, that of Francis Morand, which took place the following night on
the opposite, western end of Brittany. His killer was U. S. Ranger Captain
George P. Whittington.
While
engaged in conversation with a barmaid in the town of Lesneven, Morand and
Whittington argued about the direction Morand’s carbine pointed. For a
time, Morand refused to move his gun. Once he did, tensions cooled, but a
question lingered over Morand speaking French with a foreign accent. Was he a
German agent?
No,
he wasn’t, but drink flowed freely and Whittington was already AWOL from his
unit. He decided to confront Morand outside the bar. A man in a washroom heard the
pair speaking cordially in a courtyard, eventually exchanging adieux. Then came
multiple gunshots. Morand, a veteran Resistance fighter, lay dead, at least one
bullet hole in his back. Whittington stood over him.
“When
any son of a bitch points a gun in my face, I’m going to kill him,” Whittington
told an MP.
The
two cases aren’t exactly alike. There was no sexual assault in Whittington’s
case, while Hendricks’ victim was shot unseen by his killer. Kaplan’s thesis is
that there was enough common ground to expect a more similar outcome:
Beyond what they
shared in the way of trouble, the difference between the two defendants was
enormous. Their rank and race put them in two categories, not merely of
privilege but of personhood.
Whittington
was not only white and an officer, but a war hero. He was pretty much the
character Tom Hanks would later play in Saving Private Ryan, leading his Rangers off Omaha Beach on D-Day by breaching German
defenses with Bangalore torpedoes. After his release from the Rangers,
Whittington’s only punishment for the Morand killing, he would go on to serve
with distinction in the regular infantry, being wounded in action while saving
many comrades in the Battle of the Bulge.
Whittington
had the advantage of being tried by his peers. Even his brother, an Army
lawyer, lent a hand in his defense. Lt. Joseph Greene, who ran Whittington’s
defense (and also prosecuted Hendricks), successfully sold the dubious notion Whittington
had reason to suspect Morand was a German spy.
Similar
angles could have been played in Hendricks’ case, but weren’t. Though his
presence at the farmhouse was clear, no witness positively identified him as
the assailant in either the killing or the sexual assault. Hendricks, unlike
Whittington, did not speak at his trial. Kaplan suggests the proceeding itself was
tailored to a desired end:
The Hendricks
court-martial, like the U. S. Army, was a melting pot. The men on the court
were from Illinois, from Wisconsin, from Georgia, from New Mexico; they were
Catholic, Protestant, Jewish; they were of Spanish, German, English, and
Russian descent. But it was a white melting pot. Guilloux, remembering the
scene, described the accused, terrified, “the only black man in this assembly
of whites.”
As
useful as that particular comment is, I can’t say how annoyed I was by the
constant reappearance of Guilloux in Kaplan’s narrative. He’s one of those
snarky relativists without much of anything worthwhile to
offer about the cases in his contemporaneous journals, at least from what Kaplan
quotes. What he did write then were often single-line statements of fact, which
Kaplan then extrapolates into something broader.
For
Guilloux’s specific take on what it all meant, Kaplan relies on the fictional
recreation work he did on OK, Joe
some 20 years later. By then, fashionably anti-American views colored his perspective
so much he scrubbed out Hendricks’ sexual assault and added several more
homicides to Whittington’s ledger.
Kaplan
really didn’t need Guilloux’s voice to tell the story. Her footnotes alone are
more interesting than anything he says. Nor does she need Guilloux to present
her core thesis, that military justice was a blunt instrument in World War II’s
U. S. Army, yielding unfair results.
The
U. S. Army had reason to make an example of Hendricks. Rape is a historical byproduct
of war, something one needs to discourage for strategic as well as ethical
reasons. Gen. George S. Patton was concerned with maintaining the good will of
the French as his Third Army stormed across the country’s interior toward the
Rhine.
“It
is not to be tolerated that a comparative few shall, by their criminal conduct,
bring discredit upon us,” he wrote in an August 20, 1944 memo. “The continued prevalence
of these offenses cannot fail measurably to affect the manner in which our
forces are now regarded.”
A
would-be rapist who did not actually rape his victim, Hendricks served the purpose
of a cautionary example. Kaplan notes that the incidence of civilian rape by U.
S. soldiers was lower than that of other armies; it made broad sense to keep it
that way.
For
Kaplan, though, the idea that Hendricks was executed not for what he did but
what he perhaps intended to do is a marked injustice in itself, symbolic of the
special negative treatment accorded to black Americans. “Does bragging about ‘getting
some’ show intent to rape?” she asks. “Does wanting to kiss a Frenchwoman show
intent to rape? If so, most of the U. S. Army would have been guilty.”
Kaplan
keeps on much firmer ground most of the time. The Interpreter suffers from its overinclusion of the title
subject, but when she dives into the specific cases she manages a much stronger
argument. Hendricks was a victim, she writes, not just of legal railroading but of a system
that treated him as second-class from the moment he reported for duty:
There remains a final factor,
crucial yet intangible: the effect of conditions in the Jim Crow Army on black
service troops and the unknowable extent to which these men sought refuge in
alcohol and acts of violence.
Kaplan
brings into focus the injustice, even if the story is less compelling as a
whole than in its particulars. Too often, I felt there was a much better book, with
a stronger message, that got away from her.
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