Did
the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand cause World War I? Was it rather
another assassination which took place hours before the war began, that of
French socialist Jean Jaurès?
Or perhaps one too many feisty tone poems by Richard Strauss?
Maybe if the
post-Victorian British weren’t so snooty and class-conscious, or the Americans
had just heeded their anti-imperialist Speaker of the House, circumstances
would have been different and mankind would have avoided one of its greatest
calamities. Somehow.
Reading Barbara Tuchman rail against humankind’s past follies is fun for a while, but the lack of a compelling thesis here really tells.
The Proud Tower is a book that attempts to be about
everything and ends up being about nothing, other than the need for the author
to follow on her sensational The Guns Of August and get more mileage
from her ample research for that project.
She explains her
approach in a brief Foreword:
In choice of subjects
the criterion I used was that they must be truly representative of the period
in question and have exerted their major influence on civilization before 1914,
not after. This consideration ruled out the automobile and airplane, Freud and
Einstein and the movements they represented. I also ruled out eccentrics,
however captivating.
That would seem to leave
out Anarchists, but they get a chapter anyway. So do the Socialists, who exerted
their influence more after World War I. The chapters are long and broad as
Tuchman covers the waterfront in terms of land mass. But what does it mean? And
why that title?
An opening epigram links
it to a poem by Edgar Allen Poe: While from a proud tower in the town/Death
looks gigantically down… This suggests something about the forces that
combined to cause World War I, setting up The Guns Of August. But
this book’s aim is never that clear.
What I did like and
enjoy about The Proud Tower is the pleasure of Tuchman’s company. Few
writers, let alone historians, bring together eloquence and wit so elegantly as
she did when she lights upon some curiosity of ages past:
On philosophy:
Nietzsche
stated his credo, not in logical declarative language, but in a kind of prose
poetry like the Psalms, meandering and obscure, full of mountain tops and
sunrises, the singing of birds and dancing of girls, perorations to Will, Joy
and Eternity and a thousand colored metaphors and symbols carrying Zarathustra
on his soul’s quest toward the goals of humankind.
On anarchism:
So
enchanting was the vision of a stateless society, without government, without
law, without ownership of property, in which, corrupt institutions having been
swept away, man would be free to be good as God intended him, that six heads of
state were assassinated for its sake in the twenty years before 1914.
But
in dashing off these and other bon mots, Tuchman might have been too much her
own biggest fan. After The Proud Tower, Tuchman became less historian
and more commentator, her histories playing like allegories; eventually
producing collections of essays like The March Of Folly where her
sardonic opinions became more the focus than ever.
The
chapters of The Proud Tower appear as long essays, unconnected.
Tuchman’s opinions are not as out in force as they would be, but I felt them
coming on more than I did with The Guns Of August, which despite its unmistakable animus against the Germans is fairly straightforward.
In
Guns Of August, German overreach leads to World War I. In The Proud
Tower, there is something ominous in the air, but this time Tuchman isn’t
even trying to pin down what it is, let alone assign blame.
She
suggests the turn of the century could have something to do with it:
The
year 1900, rather than 1899, the Astronomer Royal had decided, after much
weighing of the pros and cons, was the hundredth and last year of the
Nineteenth Century. The moment of its passing was at hand; the end of the most
hope-filled, change-filled, progressive, busiest and richest century the world
had ever known. Three weeks after it closed, on January 24, 1901, Queen
Victoria died, redoubling the general sense of an era’s end.
The
above is from the opening chapter, one of two spotlighting Great Britain. The
others feature Anarchists, the United States, France, the Hague peace
conferences, Germany, and finally Socialists.
Some
characters show up in more than one chapter, but except for the second British
chapter, all are stand-alone essays with no common thesis, just a shared note
of foreboding.
Tuchman
has her heroes and villains, which were employed to good effect in Guns Of
August and would define her later histories with diminishing returns. Here her
profiles provide some needed focus if also some gushing, like about Jaurès the
martyred socialist and Thomas Reed, the sardonic Republican speaker of the
House of Representatives.
Tuchman writes about
Reed:
He
was instant in rejoinder, terse, forcible, lucid. He could state a case
unanswerably, illuminate an issue, destroy an argument or expose a fallacy in
fewer words than anyone else.
Reed
wasn’t Speaker very long, and his contrary views on American global expansion
were effectively neutered within his own party, making Tuchman’s lavishing a
whole chapter on him seem excessive.
Similarly,
the French chapter is devoted to the Dreyfus affair, which broke the country
apart between those who saw in a Jewish army officer all that was evil and
corrupt in France, and others who saw an innocent man being persecuted for the
sake of a deep-state cover-up.
“The
Dreyfus Affair was a human crisis, less extended and less prolonged in time but
no less violent than the French Revolution,” Tuchman quotes future French Prime
Minister Léon
Blum musing. Tuchman uses the Dreyfus case to explore the internal turmoil then
tearing France apart, and specifically how it fed into revanchist sentiment
against Germany, which had taken French territory in 1871.
But
did the Dreyfus Affair have anything to do with World War I? Tuchman didn’t
convince me so, if she indeed was trying to.
The
German chapter was the biggest mystery to me. Why Tuchman felt Richard Strauss
would be a perfect avatar for Teutonic warmongering is lost on me. In her own
telling, Strauss was a peaceful, apolitical Bavarian effectively dominated by his harpy of
a wife. But Tuchman keeps shifting in that chapter between Strauss’s latest
composition, some of which have heroic themes, and the bellicosity of German
politicians:
It
was the right and duty of the nobler, stronger, superior race to extend its
rule over inferior peoples, which, in the German view, meant over the world. To
other nations it meant over colonies. Darwinism became the White Man’s Burden.
Imperialism acquired a moral imperative.
This
sort of snarky reductivism serves Tuchman well as a writer, but it glides over a
lot of cross currents. Or try this: If you are going to play fast and loose to
support your thesis, at least have a thesis first.
Russia
was a major player in the run-up to the war, but figures here only as the
instigator of the Hague Convention of 1899, the first of two peace conferences
held over the course of eight years which, Tuchman notes, accomplished little
but showcasing the ineptitude of the peacemakers.
“The
humanizing of war! You might just as well talk of humanizing Hell!” scoffed British
Admiral Sir John Fisher in the midst of one.
The
Austro-Hungarian Empire, Italy, and the hapless Ottomans are barely mentioned,
though each contributed their share to the start of World War I; more anyway
than the United States.
The
chapters work fine as essays. Tuchman is an engaging writer who marshals tons
of research to edify and entertain. For example, the rise of the Liberals in
Great Britain brings out amusing anecdotes and sharp observations worth
reading. “These termagants, these unsexed viragoes, these bipeds!”
whines a Nonconformist minister about the Suffragettes.
Or how Socialism was checked by
the rise of living standards among the working classes:
Hegel
had laid it down; Marx had hardened it; but history, with a Mona Lisa smile,
had gone her own way, eluding the categorial imperative.
You
are never too far away from nuggets of gold like that when reading Tuchman. It
just takes a bit longer this time and you notice more how tailored the history
is to buttress her conclusions.
That
is, if she only had some conclusions to offer, other than what fools these
mortals be. Which isn’t much of a takeaway after 543 pages, even if
you find yourself agreeing with the premise.
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