Two things Lou Cannon wants you to come
away thinking after reading this, his widely-respected account of Ronald
Reagan’s presidency:
1) Reagan was a really nice guy who did some decent things
in office.
2) Americans must never, ever elect someone like Reagan again.
Never mind Cannon’s critical-minded perspective:
this is a book that reaches across political divides in discussing the
consequential aspects of Reagan’s presidency, and gives you a probing sense of
what our nation’s 40th president was all about. Those who champion
Reagan and his legacy will recognize the person Cannon writes of. Here was a
man who led his life on one stage or another, and had the rare power of giving
people something to believe in.
“This book is an effort to penetrate the
illusion of the Reagan presidency and to write about him as he truly was,”
Cannon states in his book’s preface.
To that end, he looks at Reagan’s
presidency not in the form of a chronological history, but as a series of
long essays, sometimes gruelingly long, on various crises and policies which defined Reagan in office.
Individual chapters take on such matters as Reagan’s policy toward Communist
insurgencies in Central America, his budget battles with Congress, and his
historically successful “Morning In America” re-election campaign.
The book’s two largest chapters center
on the biggest scandal of Reagan’s presidency, the selling of arms to Iran in
exchange for the release of Americans held hostage, which Cannon presents here
as illustrative of a core fault of Reagan’s leadership style, a failure to
confront subordinates and manage details. This is established at the outset of the book and becomes a common theme.
At the core of Cannon’s critical thesis is
how Reagan saw government, and how that in turn influenced his leadership.
“His faith was in a tripartite creed of
reduced government spending, enhanced military defense and substantially lower
tax rates,” Cannon writes. “He did not recognize that the tax rates he favored
were insufficient to produce the revenue to pay for the government programs he
thought necessary. He saw no necessity of accommodating any one of his beliefs
to make the others more plausible.”
However irrational Cannon finds those
beliefs, he admits Reagan got results. Reaganomics brought a marked upswing in
the nation’s economic fortunes, for example reducing inflation by almost
two-thirds. The military buildup Reagan championed jacked up the deficit
enormously, but after Reagan left office, contributed to the end of the Cold
War. Cannon doesn’t credit Reagan alone for these accomplishments, but makes
the point he helped in their realization.
Even where Cannon criticizes, it is with
a kind of understanding: The Role Of A
Lifetime is no hit piece.
Dealing with the aftermath of an Israeli
invasion of Lebanon in 1982, Reagan ordered a peacekeeping exercise that, a year later, would leave 241 Marines dead in a surprise suicide bombing. Cannon details the
humanitarian thinking behind Reagan’s deployment,
and how what quickly became a fatally flawed policy was driven not by hawks
within his cabinet, but rather by those whom Cannon terms “pragmatists” and
whom Cannon conversely credits with many of Reagan’s first-term successes. They
sincerely thought they were contributing, not to a geopolitically combustible
situation as turned out to be the case, but to a peaceful resolution of a
bloody conflict.
Cannon describes Reagan, infuriated by
television footage, calling Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin to demand a halt to his country's bombing of Beirut. Begin grumbles, but complies. “I didn’t know I had that kind of power,” Reagan marvels after.
But the resulting departure of Israeli
forces left a vacuum that Reagan and his cabinet decided the U. S. should fill,
alongside French and Italian forces. These soldiers were soon seen as
combatants on the side of the minority Christian population by the country that
had controlled Lebanon for years, Syria, and their Hezbollah allies, who
instigated the suicide bombing in October, 1983.
“On balance, Reagan was a strong man,
but an extraordinarily weak manager,” Cannon claims.
Reagan at work in the Oval Office: While he set an orderly tone, the mood in executive policy meetings was often anything but efficient. Image from nydailynews.com. |
He notes the Reagan cabinet was continuously
beset by epic cage-match feuding. Reagan’s first national security advisor,
Richard Allen, found himself in heated confrontations about foreign policy with
Secretary of State Al Haig until Haig succeeded in pushing Allen out. Later, Haig’s
replacement as secretary of state, George Shultz, butted heads with the
secretary of defense, Caspar Weinberger, in confrontations so visceral they
dominated roundtable discussions and stymied decision making.
Cannon sees in Reagan a fatal
unwillingness to confront dispute, an almost pathetic desire to get along which
he ascribes to Reagan’s growing up with an alcoholic father. An inability to
form personal connections with those who worked for him is similarly connected
to the end of Reagan’s first marriage, when his movie-star wife Jane Wyman
ordered him out of their house for reasons he never understood. “Reagan’s
capacity for self-denial in personal matters was extraordinary,” Cannon writes.
In such times, the book delves too far
in Freudian cliché, trying to winkle out some early-life reason for things
Reagan did in office that turned out badly. A problem is that Cannon’s book
doesn’t really explore Reagan’s pre-presidential life enough to merit this kind
of conjecture or connect it to his later actions. In The Role Of A Lifetime, we only see him in action as president.
[Cannon had written two earlier books about Reagan, and would write more.]
There’s also an overreliance on Reagan’s
liberal critics. Garry Wills in particular gets quoted often and at length,
pontificating about “the perfection of the pretense” in Reagan’s career, as if Reagan
were the first president that pushed an idea about America that did not
correspond in all ways with accepted reality. At times, you get the sense
Cannon is gunning too hard to show he gets why the Left was so enraged by
Reagan, beyond his winning elections and reshaping dialogue around national
policy.
But Cannon also challenges conventional
liberal thinking about Reagan. He disputes for example the notion advanced most
strongly in Reagan’s tenure by the Democratic Speaker of the House, Thomas P. “Tip”
O’Neill, that Reagan was a man who lacked compassion. Time and again, Cannon
presents Reagan acting compassionately, if somewhat impersonally, towards those
he encounters. His policies toward the poor may have seemed cold; Reagan himself
thought he was working for them, too. So did many voters.
This misreading of Reagan cost Democrats
in the 1984 election. Reagan won 49 of 50 states that year, a margin of victory
unimaginable today.
“Instead of campaigning against the
ineffectual, uncomprehending Reagan who read to them from his four-by-six
cards, the Democrats campaigned against a caricature of a heartless president
who had turned his back on the problems of the poor,” Cannon writes. “[Voters] might have been persuaded that Reagan did not know enough, but it was more
difficult to convince them that he did not care.”
Where Reagan’s contemporaneous critics accused
him of being eager for confrontation with the Soviet Union, pushing for a
massive increase in nuclear arms, Cannon presents in The Role Of A Lifetime a man committed both to peace and a world
without nuclear arms. It’s a surprising portrait, one that doesn’t square with
the stereotype of Reagan the gun-toting cowboy that followed him as president
but comports more with his legacy today, that of a president who fostered a
consensus around a nuclear-free world with his Soviet counterpart, Mikael
Gorbachev.
“Ultimately, Reagan’s desire to reduce
the threat of nuclear war proved inspirational and productive – in large
measure because Gorbachev showed himself willing to take the risks of reducing
nuclear arsenals, withdrawing Soviet troops from Afghanistan and restructuring
Soviet society,” Cannon writes.
Though filled with criticisms and
caveats, The Role Of A Lifetime winds
up in the end fairly appreciative of Reagan’s legacy, if from a political perspective
significantly different from that of Reagan’s conservative base. For all the
wrongs Cannon details about Reagan’s leadership, there is a countermanding
sense of Reagan as a figure of destiny who had the right instincts at crucial
moments, and whose worse moments were reflective more of myopia than malice.
While somewhat repetitive in its critical bent, readers will appreciate its fair
and compelling portrait of one of America’s most notable presidencies.
No comments:
Post a Comment